Author Archives: Gerry Gable

Joint liaison group brings together FLA, Tommy Robinson, EDL, hardcore nazis and a UKIP MEP

This article by Tash Shifrin first appeared on Dream Deferred on 22 February 2018.

Figures from a range of fascist and far right groups in Britain have come together in a joint liaison group with the aim of coordinating their activities and seeking a “political direction”. They include key personnel from the Football Lads Alliance, former EDL activists, hardcore nazis and a UKIP MEP.

UK Freedom Marches operates through a closed Facebook group and brings together activists and leading figures from organisations ranging from far right racist UKIP to hardcore nazis.

It includes former English Defence League leader “Tommy Robinson” (real name Stephen Yaxley-Lennon) as well as leading figures and supporters of the far right racist street movement, the Football Lads Alliance, including both sides of its current internal battle for control – see below.

The formation of the UKFM liaison group comes as the far right in Britain seeks to regroup and reorganise. The FLA has mobilised several thousand marchers on two sizeable demonstrations, as we reported at the time, and its rapid growth presents a pole of attraction for smaller far right groups – and for hardcore fascists who seek to gain influence inside it.

>> Our eyewitness report of the FLA’s first demo

>> The FLA’s second demo, plus six things you need to know

UKFM’s facebook group appears to have been set up by former EDL activist Bill Weir, who is now active in Veterans Against Terrorism. VAT staged a demonstration of several hundred in Newcastle at the weekend. It also mobilised for the FLA’s second demonstration in London in October last year.

The admins of the new UKFM group include Toni Bugle, the far right Islamophobic activist and would-be ideologue who spoke at the FLA’s first demo in June and was dropped at the last minute for “PR reasons” from the platform for its second demo.

Other admins include FLA activists, such as “John Lee”, as well as “Tommy English” who called the “UK Against Hate” demo in Manchester on 11 June that attracted thousands after Tommy Robinson threw his weight behind it.

Some marchers in Manchester sported nazi insignia, while others gave the nazi “sieg heil” salute and threw bottles at passers by. Mohammed Fyaz, a former speaker for Pegida UK and regular Robinson ally, also spoke in Manchester – and is also an admin for UKFM.

Another admin is Dean Matthews, who organised a small march in Aldgate, London, under the banner “No Surrender to Islamic Terror” in October. He pulled together Chelsea-supporting football hooligans, including members of the Headhunters hooligan firm with its liks to nazi organisation C18. Before the demo, several marchers attempted unsuccessfully to get to the nearby East London Mosque.

Stephen Yaxley-Lennon aka “Tommy Robinson”

Members of the liaison group include Tommy Robinson (under the name Stephen Lennon), his right-hand man Kevin Carroll and other former key personnel from the early days of the EDL, including Davy Cooling, formerly the EDL group admin for its “hometown” of Luton. All three had previous links to the British National Party.

Other EDL activists who are now UKFM members include Guramit Singh, and former regional officer Antony Bamford. Dave Smeeton, organiser of March for England, is another experienced activist in the group.

FLA leader John Meighan is a member of the group, as is Jeff Marsh (aka Joe Marsh) of Casuals United / Pie and Mash Squad. Marsh was a key figure when the EDL was first set up – like the FLA as an alliance of football hooligan firms.

The Facebook group contains UKIP members, including high profile MEP Bill Etheridge. The MEP appeared at a rally in Dudley earlier this month wearing the T-shirt of the White Pendragons, the far right conspiracy theory-peddling group that recently invaded a meeting of the mainstream centre left Fabian Society in a bid to disrupt a speech by Mayor of London Sadiq Khan. Many other Pendragons supporters are members of UKFM too.

At the hardcore end of the spectrum, the UKFM group also includes lifelong nazi Eddie Stamton – who has joined twice, with two different facebook profiles – and convicted gun-runner and UDA loyalist Frank Portinari who has also been involved in the FLA.

Battle for control inside the FLA

Meanwhile, John Meighan faces a battle for control inside the FLA. Discontent has hardened among senior members of several hooligan firms involved in the FLA – over money, political direction, tactics and lack of accountability.

They have now set up their own “True FLA / Democratic FLA” group in a bid to seize the initiative, and have called a demonstration in Birmingham, on the same date, 24 March, as that already called by the FLA, but with a different assembly point.

It is clear that members of Spurs, West Ham, Arsenal and Millwall hooligan firms – who were at the core of the FLA when it started – are involved in the move against Meighan, along with elements from firms associated with clubs in the Midlands and the north of England.

Phillip Hickin, who played the role of Meighan’s right-hand man at the FLA demos, is among those who now seem to be moving decisively against him.

The FLA, like similar groups before it is unstable – and is still in its early days. While infighting and can weaken the FLA, it can also result in a consolidation and hardening up of the organisation, as we saw several times with the EDL before it was eventually broken by a series of huge mobilisations of antifascists and local people on the streets.

FLA leaders John Meighan and Phillip Hickin, in friendlier days

Book review: Tomorrow Belongs To Us

The British Far Right Since 1967

Edited by Nigel Copsey and Matthew Worley

Reviewed for Unite the Union

The starting date was selected because the mergers on Britain’s far right in 1967 created the National Front (NF), the first major fascist party in Britain since the 1930s.

Six years later in 1973 the NF candidate Martin Webster at the parliamentary by-election in West Bromwich obtained 16.2 per cent. Following which up until Margaret Thatcher, who adopted some of the language and immigration policies of the NF, was elected as Prime Minister in May 1979 the NF looked set to make a major electoral breakthrough.

The youth wing of the neo-fascist Movimento Sociale Italiano had popularised the anthem ‘Tomorrow belongs to us’ in the 1970s. It struck an emotional chord with fascists globally. The white nationalist British cult band Skrewdriver reworked it in 1984 into a rock anthem that helped construct a successful subculture white power movement with international tentacles.

Then in 2009 the BNP, a party that also won a large number of council seats in the first decade of the new century, had Nick Griffin and Andrew Brons elected to the European Parliament.

These examples are possibly the high points for the far right since 1967.

Consequently ‘tomorrow’ has to date not proven to be the case. Tomorrow though remains and we know from the deathly, barbarous examples of, amongst others, Nazi Germany and fascist Italy in the 30s and 40s that they – the far right – only have to win once for all sorts of groups not to have a tomorrow.

Today we have before us political parties and social movements such as the EDL, the banned National Action Party, the rump of the BNP, the NF and its various offshoots and the British Movement and around which there exists a whole host of subcultures that includes holocaust denial, white power music, racial violence and terrorism.

So what are their beliefs and what is it that motivates the far right organisers and how do they persuade others to join them in developing their authoritarian, rights-free paradise? This book, the sixth and most contemporary in the Routledge study series on fascism and the far right, thus attempts to investigate the politics of the far right so that those who seek to oppose them possess the knowledge of exactly what they are fighting.

There are 12 chapters and they are each concise explanations of the subjects explored.

They include some that are generally ignored when studies of the far right in Britain are conducted such as women’s involvement, homosexuality, music and attempts to develop links across national borders and nationalities.

Some of the more regular subjects covered include holocaust denial and patriotism but not Islamophobia. Whilst it is true that this subject is covered extensively in many other publications I feel this is a mistake because the attempt to build on and generate anti-Muslim prejudice has been the number one agenda item now for far right groups for sometime. There is also an absence of analysis of how far right groups have sought to exploit concerns over unemployment, low pay and zero hours contracts by focusing on the arrival of, particularly since 2004 of EU, migrant workers.

The denial of the holocaust has played a role in many fascist groups but the book points out that it is often hidden from the public if the group concerned begins to attract a reasonable following. Such was the case with the BNP in the 90s and at the beginning of the twentieth century. Once the BNP was though reduced back to a rump in this decade it was willing to, when supporting the openly fascist Greek Golden Dawn party, again express its doubts about the holocaust and how many were massacred by Nazi Germany during it.

Meanwhile attempts to search for a ‘nationalist’ economy have never proven successful with far right groups who whilst being very anti-communist do not wish also to be stridently pro capitalist for fear of repelling working class people, which are the most exploited sections under capitalism.

Attempts at economics usually, at best, come down to a series of bullet points – accompanied by a commitment to stop immigration – such as ban foreign imports, leave the EU and control investment overseas. Where the far right does attack capital it is always aimed at finance or banking capital, with the underlying implication being that these sectors are under the control of Jews and whose influence needs ending.

The two chapters on the Neo-fascist rock music scene of the mid 80s are both of great interest. They show how the far right learnt from the earlier successes of Rock Against Racism to create their own sub-culture. This was for a time highly financially lucrative. It also helped build a rapport and friendship between far right members and supporters from across different parts of Europe. Far right political groups picked up on this to encourage a belief in the defence of white people across Europe as a whole rather than the standard far right belief that ones one nationality is superior to any others even if the skin colours are the same.

The book has an interesting chapter on the importance of patriotism to EDL members and supporters before it ends with an excellent bibliographic survey of Britain’s far right since 1967.

The book is thought provoking and despite my criticisms I would recommend it to everyone who wants to make sure that tomorrow does not EVER belong to the far right.

You can purchase the book at:-

https://www.routledge.com/Tomorrow-Belongs-to-Us-The-British-Far-Right-since-1967/Copsey-Worley/p/book/9781138675179

Civil society under attack in Hungary

This article has been contributed by Amnesty International.

The Hungarian government has proposed a set of laws that if adopted will have a devastating and chilling effect on civil society.

The legislative package is part of a wider crackdown on human rights and civil society organisations in Hungary, which have been under attack for several years. It seeks to punish the legitimate work of civil society groups that defend human rights, provide legal and social services, and offer support to people seeking international protection.

The government’s goal is simple and clear: to silence independent and openly critical NGOs. These include organisations such as Amnesty International Hungary, the Hungarian Civil Liberties Union and the Hungarian Helsinki Committee.

Julia Ivan, director of Amnesty International Hungary, has said: “The proposed laws threaten the very existence of organisations doing crucial work in Hungary”.

Over the past few years, Hungary has been severely restricting access to the country for refugees and asylum-seekers and the government has carried out smear campaigns against NGOs and civil society groups. In 2015 Hungarian riot police used tear gas and water cannons on migrants who tried to break through a razor wire fence.

These laws will create a climate of fear and suspicion

If the new legislation is adopted, the government will be able to control and restrict the activities of independent human rights organisations in Hungary.

The legislative package tabled in Parliament on 13 February, the so-called “Stop Soros” laws, would require NGOs that the government deems to be “supporting migration” to obtain national security clearance and government permit to carry out any functions. This would include work such as campaigning, “influencing courts”, preparing information materials, organising networks and recruiting volunteers with the goal of sponsoring, organising or otherwise supporting the entry and stay of people seeking international protection. The laws would also require organisations to pay a tax of 25% of any foreign funding aimed at “supporting migration”.

Failure to meet these absurd requirements could lead to exorbitant fines, bankruptcy, and the dissolving of the NGOs targeted.

The government has presented these laws in the context of its wider anti-immigration campaign. In reality, these proposals have nothing to do with protecting national security or borders. They are a clear attempt to crush those working to assist people in need and to silence those who dare to raise their voices.

The actions by the Hungarian government are disturbing and unjustified. Again and again the authorities have crossed red lines but this has not remained unseen.

The defenders of rights and freedoms in Hungary are not alone, and an attack on them means an attack on all those that dare to speak out and protect others.

More than 250 organisations and platforms across the world have signed a solidarity letter stating their grave concern over the proposed laws in Hungary, and showing their support to NGOs doing crucial work and whose very existence is at risk. With one voice, civil society organisations from around the world are urging the authorities to stop the crackdown on human rights defenders.

What happens if the laws are adopted?

The law states that the authorities can “identify” NGOs which it deems are “supporting migration”. The wording is vague and open to interpretation, which gives the authorities the opportunity to target, and possibly close down, a wide range of organisations.

According to the proposed laws, the NGOs identified would need to get a permission from the Minister of Interior in order to continue their basic functions, including campaigning, advocacy, preparing information materials, organising networks and recruiting volunteers.
The Minister of the Interior would then involve national security services for security clearance. This procedure may take up to nine months.
The law would also require organisations to pay a tax of 25 per cent of any foreign funding aimed at “supporting migration”. If they refuse or are unable to pay, this could lead to high fines, deletion of the tax number, bankruptcy, and the dissolving of the organisation.

This set of bills must be stopped

Amnesty International calls on Hungarian lawmakers to withdraw or reject the proposed laws as they are in clear violation of Hungary’s obligations under regional and international human rights law. EU leaders must also take concrete action to stop this assault on civil society in Hungary.

Italian community rally against racism and fascism

The London branch of the National Association of Italian Partisans (ANPI) has called a rally against racism and fascism on Saturday 24 February together with a coalitions of charities and parties from the Italian community in the UK.

On Saturday 3 February a man known Luca Traini as went on a shooting rampage in the Italian town of Macerata aiming at African immigrants and wounding six of them. Before being arrested Traini wrapped himself in an Italian flag depicting the so-called Roman salute, the distinctive hailing gesture used by fascists since Mussolini’s regime. Traini defines himself a fascist and was a candidate for council elections for right-wing Northern League in 2017.

This was not the first and unfortunately it will not be the last murderous attack on immigrants, homosexuals, Roma, left-wing activists and anyone perceived as ‘different’ by far-right and fascist extremists. In July 2016 Emmanuel Chidi Namdia, a man originally from Nigeria, was beaten and killed by a fascist activist in Fermo a town on the Adriatic coast; in December 2011 another member of fascist group Casapound shot and killed two Senegalese men in Florence. In between these cases, over 260 cases of violent aggression by fascists including beating, lynching and stabbing have been recorded since 2014 and many more are thought to occur without being reported to the authorities.

We call all those concerned about the spread of racism and fascism to join us on Saturday 24 February to remember all the victims and call for action. This wave of violence has to be stopped and organisations behind these attacks must be dissolved in compliance with the Constitution of the Italian Republic and legislation introduced to prevent the formation of fascist parties since 1950s.

Although this might look like a problem limited to Italy or small far-right groups, the history of the 1920s and 1930s taught us that the spread of this ideology which promotes hatred against any minority and uses violence as a political tool may spread easily and make this a European or worldwide problem. Anyone is invited and welcomed to join us, regardless of nationality.

We shall meet on Saturday 24th February at 11am at 236 Cable Street, London E1 0BL – by the mural commemorating the popular uprising against the British Union of Fascists.

Ex-EDL members in failed bid to arrest London mayor

Last Saturday in Central London, a botched effort to arrest Sadiq Khan, London Mayor was made by a group calling themselves the ‘White Pendragons’., Unite Against Fascism reported on 15 January. Leading them was one Davey Russell. Russell, in a previous light called himself DJ Bossman of the EDL.

Russell interviewed former British National Party leader Griffin and Tommy Robinson, ex EDL leader, on his pirate radio station, before it was closed down in 2014. He also fell foul of the charity Help for Heroes, as did the EDL, after claiming to raise funds for them. Russell is also a convicted racist, see below.

Russell and his tiny collection of far right followers form the bizarre, White Pendragons sect. They tried to perform a “Common Law” arrest on Sadiq Khan. Presumably the plan was to drag him to the gallows they had constructed outside.

Given the fact that Jo Cox MP was murdered by a fascist, this has to be taken seriously and many rightly saw the whole episode as threatening and with Islamophobia central to it. Audience members, together with security and police ushered the goons away.

The ‘Pendragons’ (!?) believe in a common Law conspiracy theory. This revolves around the idea that there is a right in Magna Carta to overthrow a government if it is engaged in treason. The accusation of treachery is levelled at those who they believe are involved in a shadowy, Freemason-style, group within the establishment, called “Common Purpose”, in this case, Sadiq Khan.

These would-be hangmen claimed to be protesting against Khan’s stand against the much unwanted, now cancelled visit of Donald Trump. We can see again that Trump’s racism opens the space for fascists to organise and make attempts to break through – just as Britain First tried after his retweeting of them.

Anti fascists have whittled down the far right in the UK to their hardcore, but we need to remain on guard against the fascists’ remains and provocations such as in London, last weekend.