Author Archives: Searchlight Team

Theatre Review: The Accidental Death of an Anarchist, by Dario Fo and Franca Rame

The Accidental Death of an Anarchist, by Dario Fo and Franca Rame.

Playing at the Theatre Royal, Haymarket, London. Until 9 September 2023

Andy Bell enjoys a hilarious new revival of a classic of political farce that does full justice to the comic heart of the original piece

Transposed to London Daniel Rigby as The Maniac (all images), with (centre image) Ro Kumar as Agent Joseph (top), Tom Andrews as Detective Daisy (right) and Mark Hadfield as Inspector Burton (Photos: Accidental Death of an Anarchist/Facebook)

The Accidental Death of an Anarchist is a play that arose from events in December 1969, when Italian fascists bombed the Piazza Fontana in Milan, killing 17 people and injuring 88. It was the deadliest of several bombs planted that day by the group Ordine Nuovo (New Order) as part of the far right’s ‘Strategy of tension’, designed to provoke a military takeover of the country.

For that strategy to work, the bombing – and others like it – had to be blamed on the left and, sure enough, the police investigation initially focused almost entirely on the city’s anarchists. Dozens were arrested. One, Giuseppe Pinelli, a railway worker, was taken to police headquarters and died after falling from a fourth-floor window while being interrogated. The police claimed he had committed suicide, launching himself through the window, seized by a ‘raptus’.

But the official police account was riddled with absurd inconsistencies and contradictions, to put it generously, and inspired Dario Fo and his wife Franca Rame to write this play, which premiered in 1970. They picked up the absurdity of the official version and ran with it, turning tragedy into farce, with a fast, furious wisecracking plot dissecting the police account to hilarious effect.

But the fascists took revenge: three years later, it is believed at the instigation of the police, fascists kidnapped, raped and tortured Rame before dumping her in a park. But she survived and was again campaigning against the fascists only weeks later.

The play has been performed and revived countless times, in many countries and languages. This new production does full justice to the comic heart of the original piece and retains its breathless, rapid-fire humour. Tom Basden’s adapted script fizzes and crackles, while Daniel Rigby’s maniacal central performance (as literally, The Maniac) is wonderful.

However, in the process of transposing the story from Italy 50 years ago to modern London the core issue has, perhaps inevitably, become a wider concern with deaths in police custody and, while the bombing that formed the backdrop to events in the police station is mentioned, its fascist authorship is sadly lost.

All the same, this rather special production is not to be missed. It is a riotous tour de force that reminds us that, even dealing with such dark and tragic subjects as deaths in custody, humour – even farce – can be an extraordinarily powerful tool in exposing the truth.

A swap shop where the far right trades ideas – European Conservative Political Action Conference

Topping the bill at this year’s CPAC, Hungary’s authoritarian leader Viktor Orbán advocated a far-right takeover of liberal democracies, by following his example. Martin Smith gains an insight into the developing links between global extremists

This year’s European Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC) was held on 4 and 5 May at the Bálna Centre in Budapest, Hungary. The entrance to the centre was emblazoned with a banner declaring ‘No Woke Zone’ (pictured below).

The entrance was as far as the liberal press was allowed to go, with many journalists who had previously been given credentials refused entry. Instead, they were issued with passwords that allowed them to watch online selected conference highlights, chosen by the press office of Hungary’s Prime Minster Viktor Orbán.

Despite being able to watch only carefully selected ‘high/low lights’ of the CPAC conference, the journalists were able to provide a rare insight into the enmeshing of the various strands of the global far right. These show continued ideological cross-fertilisation and further evidence of the blossoming relationship between Hungary’s authoritarian leader Orbán and ex-US President Donald Trump.

Over 1,500 delegates attended this second annual gathering of Europe’s authoritarian far right and their US counterparts, the Trumpian Make America Great Again movement (MAGA). Outside of Hungary, the largest contingent came from the USA: it included Republican senators and members of Congress. Kari Lake, a serious contender for the Republican vice-presidential nomination, was present, as was US right-wing luminary Steve Bannon. Tucker Carlson, the celebrity right-wing extremist political commentator, sent a video message. Fox News had dismissed him without explanation just ten days before his appearance at CPAC.

The French far right also attended in large numbers. Marine Le Pen’s National Rally (formally Front National) chairperson, Jordan Bardella, was a keynote speaker. For balance, members of Èric Zemmour’s Reconquest also attended the conference – his key ally, Marion Maréchal, who is Le Pen’s niece, was the main speaker at the CPAC gala.

More than 20 European MEPs were present, countless MPs, the Prime Minster of Georgia, the ex-President of the Czech Republic, as well as former Czech and Slovenian prime ministers. There were representatives from Israel and Brazil, the latter delegation headed by Eduardo Bolsonaro (son of Brazil’s former far-right President Jair Bolsonaro).

Menace and bile

There were two keynote speeches at CPAC, the first given by Orbán. It was a declaration of support for Trump’s 2024 Presidential election campaign and was full of menace and vitriolic bile.

Anti-Semitic tropes littered his speech. George Soros, the Jewish businessman and philanthropist, was the main target; however, the so-called global elites got several mentions too. This not-so coded anti-Semitic trope promotes the conspiracy theory that Jewish people control big business and have no allegiance to their country of origin.

There were three key elements to Orbán’s speech: the first was the argument that his Fidesz government was at the heart of a growing global far-right resurgence. Orbán declared: ‘There are two ways to occupy a city. This is something that was already known in ancient Rome. Either you take the city’s walls, or you take the city’s sanctuaries. I suggest we start with the sanctuaries, and then take the walls.

In recent years, we have taken some great European sanctuaries: Budapest, Warsaw, Rome and Jerusalem – and the situation in Vienna is not hopeless either. But the truth is that the two main sanctuaries of modern democracy – Washington and Brussels – are still in the hands of the liberals. Let us make sure they do not stay that way!’

He went on to argue: ‘Hungary is an incubator, where experiments are being conducted for the conservative politics of the future. Hungary is the place where we not only talked about defeating progressive liberals and turning in a conservative Christian political direction, but the place where we have actually done it.’

This is no idle boast. Since 2010, Orbán’s authoritarian Fidesz government has created an ‘illiberal state’, which has undermined the judiciary, shut down oppositional media outlets and waged war on refugees, and Hungary’s Roma and Jewish communities.

Orbán’s second arrow was aimed at Western liberalism. In language reminiscent of the Nazis, he chillingly claimed: ‘As the leader of an incubator programme, I am reporting to you that we are all under attack – in Europe, as well as in America. I must also report to you that the attack is not economic in nature: we are dealing with a biological weapon. A virus attack has been launched against us. The virus was developed in progressive liberal laboratories. This virus is attacking the most vulnerable point in the Western world: the nation. It is a nation-devouring virus that will atomise and pulverise our nations.’

Orbán believes the virus in question is ‘wokeism’ and ‘gender ideology’. He claimed they ‘are exactly what communism and Marxism used to be: they artificially divide the nation into minorities, in order to foment discord between groups. This is their power base’.

The third arrow was launched at migrants: it was a continuation of his support for the idea of ‘the great replacement theory’, which he outlined in his speech at the 2022 CPAC conference. To rapturous applause he declared: ‘People without a homeland can never be free: they can only be wanderers, to be transplanted here or there, playthings of the global elite

The essence of illegal migration is the destruction of the national community. It is the dismantling of the cultural foundation necessary for the functioning of the nation state, and the creation in its place of marginalised, atomised, coexisting – but mutually hostile – groups who will never form a community, and who ultimately will never form a state.’

Fighting ‘barbarians’

The second keynote speaker was Trump. He was not advertised to speak, but managed to find time between court appearances to send the conference a three-minute video message. He began by praising Orbán, then briefly outlined the battle he is conducting, even finding time to throw in an anti-Semitic trope.

To the enthralled crowd, Trump said: ‘We believe that faith and family are the bedrock of a good and free society. We believe that a nation without borders is not a nation at all. We believe in tradition, the role [sic] of law, freedom of speech, and the God-given dignity of every human life.

These are the ideas that bind together our movement, and these are the ideas that will save Western civilization. As you know, we are now engaged in a historic battle with the Marxist globalists and communists all over the world. We’re fighting against barbarians who want to demolish our liberty and our traditions and everything we hold dear.’

Flagship

CPAC conferences are now held in the USA, Japan, Europe, Israel, Australia and Latin America. CPAC, Founded in 1974 by the American Conservative Union and the Young Americans for Freedom, is now a flagship for far-right and populist movements globally. It was originally a vehicle for the new right – Ronald Reagan was the first keynote speaker – however, since the emergence of Trump and the rise of far-right parties across the globe, the new right is being replaced by more extreme far-right authoritarian parties and movements.

There are issues the different groups clearly do not agree on. The two elephants in the room at the Hungarian CPAC were Covid-19 and the war in Ukraine. Major differences are deftly sidestepped. For example, it was noticeable how the Polish Law and Justice Party delegates skirted around the question of Ukraine. Likewise, although Orbán clearly supports Russia’s President Vladimir Putin and sees the Ukraine conflict as a war against Western European elites, his only reference to this was to say that it would not have happened had Trump been President of the USA.

A Bridgen too far?

Kicked out of the Tory Party over coronavirus claims, MP Andrew Bridgen has now migrated to Reclaim.

Martyn Lester surveys his career

First published in Searchlight magazine (Summer 2023)

The Reclaim Party, the right-wing political organisation best known for its frontman, the actor Laurence Fox, surprisingly gained its first member of parliament in May. As has more than once been the case with fringe movements, it did so not by winning a seat at a general election or by-election, but by clasping in its unsavoury embrace a renegade sitting MP – Andrew Bridgen, the member for North West Leicestershire.

It would not be accurate to describe Bridgen as having defected from the Conservatives, because the Tories had already kicked him out of the party. He had been sitting as an independent for a month before clambering aboard the Reclaim bandwagon (such as it is).

During his 13 years as a Conservative MP, Bridgen made a reputation for himself as a serial rebel and backstabber. Aside from repeatedly defying party whips, he is rumoured to have submitted letters of no confidence in at least three of the five Tory prime ministers of the period – David Cameron, Theresa May and Boris Johnson (despite supporting Johnson’s successful 2019 leadership bid).

Andrew Bridgen   Photo: Diseworth Heritage Centre

Although the European Reform Group – the hardline ‘no-deal Brexit’ faction of Conservative MPs – never publishes a membership list, Bridgen has been identified as a member of the group via ‘resources pool’ declarations in his parliamentary expenses.

Similarly, there is no official roll of members of the overlapping anti-lockdown Covid Recovery Group, but Bridgen was one of the 53 Tory MPs recorded as having filed into the ‘No’ lobby to vote against his own government’s Health Protection (Coronavirus, Restrictions) (All Tiers) (England) Regulations 2020 motion in December 2020 (ie he was opposed to renewing the Covid 19 lockdown).

Grossly insensitive

It was Bridgen’s fevered coronavirus preoccupations that led to his eventual ejection from the Conservative Party, although not for merely voting against the government. After a series of escalating anti-vax comments, some based on wild conspiracy theories, he eventually tweeted that the Covid-19 vaccination programme was ‘the biggest crime against humanity since the Holocaust’.

Although claims that this was an overtly anti-Semitic statement are open for debate, such devil-may-care use of the Nazi genocide to support a completely unconnected argument was at minimum grossly insensitive, and it is hard to believe that Bridgen could not have predicted that it would spark widespread outrage. Among those who lambasted him for the comment was Prime Minister Rishi Sunak, who said that ‘it is utterly unacceptable to make linkages and use language like that’.

And it is not as if Bridgen has received no prior schooling on taking care not to totter at the boundary between clumsiness of expression and apparent anti-Semitism. Some years ago he was taken to task for referring, in a House of Commons debate on Palestinian statehood, to ‘the power of the Jewish lobby in America’.

We have no space here to deep-dive into a complicated subject, but to characterise Israel-focused lobbies in the USA as ‘Jewish’ is to badly miss two important points: that American Jewish opinion is diverse and should not be misrepresented as monolithic and that support in the USA for hardline Israeli governments is at least as likely to be expressed by right-wing Christian evangelicals as by their Jewish counterparts.

At the time of being defenestrated by his party, Bridgen was already serving a suspension from the Commons for having broken the MPs’ code of conduct ‘on multiple occasions and in multiple ways’ regarding declarations of interest and paid lobbying. But, because he had been sentenced to just a five-day ban, he was not subject to a possible recall petition by his constituents.

Lied under oath

It would be tedious to list all of the times that Bridgen has been in hot or at least warm water with his party, but with hindsight many would question why the Tories kept him in the fold after a High Court judge last year found him to have ‘lied under oath and behaved in an abusive, arrogant and aggressive manner’ in court, and to have been ‘an unreliable and combative witness who tried to conceal his own misconduct’.

Did they not believe that this was enough to count as having brought their party into disrepute?

Bridgen’s Brexit and Covid preoccupations made him a natural fit for the Reclaim Party. The group’s sugardaddy, third-of-a-billionaire trainspotter Jeremy Hosking, had already donated the best part of £2 million to Vote Leave, Brexit Express and Nigel Farage’s Brexit Party, before providing a £1 million launch fund for Fox’s outfit. And the Reclaim front man himself campaigned against Covid-19 lockdown and encouraged others to break the government’s coronavirus regulations.

Presumably, Bridgen will stand as a Reclaim candidate and defend his seat at the next general election in the UK. Whether he has any chance of staying in the job is difficult to predict. Pre-Brexit referendum, UKIP acquired a pair of defecting Conservative MPs who enjoyed/suffered very different fates when they eventually tested their public support at a general election.

Believer or not?

Clacton MP Douglas Carswell and Rochester and Strood MP Mark Reckless defected to UKIP in 2014, each resigning to force by-elections themed on their anti-European Union stances.

Although both won their by elections (each in relatively low turnouts), only Carswell did so convincingly, and at the following year’s general election, Reckless (whom some consider to be an example of nominative determinism) was outpolled by the official Tory candidate.

There were, it must be said, variables involved. Carswell was fairly obviously a squatter in UKIP (he eventually redefected to become an independent). He made no secret of regarding Farage as a bit of an arse while, shortly after the referendum, Farage described Carswell as ‘somebody inside our party who doesn’t agree with anything the party stands for’.

Reckless, on the other hand, seems to have been more of a true believer, and later reunited with Farage in the so-called Brexit Party (it was not, in any proper sense, a party at all).

Whether Andrew Bridgen has anything like the personal following and constituency respect of Douglas Carswell or will become as forgettable as Mark Reckless (whose most recent dice with electoral destiny saw him coming an ignominious seventh in the contest to represent Monmouth in the Welsh Parliament) remains to be seen. Our guess is that he will be less of a skyrocket than a damp squib.

Pending, as we go to press, is the outcome of Fox’s own candidacy in the July by-election in Boris Johnson’s former seat of Uxbridge and South Ruislip.

Fox’s last run for office, in the 2021 election for London Mayor, saw him garner a less than impressive 1.9% of the vote, despite Reform UK (formerly the Brexit Party) standing aside in his favour, and an endorsement from Farage.

Fox was beaten to fifth place in the poll by YouTube prankster Niko Omilana, although he did poll nearly twice as many votes as Count Binface – an ‘intergalactic space warrior’, apparently.

OBITUARY: Jules Konopinski, last anti-fascist to fight with the 43 Group and the 62 Group

By Daniel Sonabend, historian of the 43 group

Jules Konopinski – veteran anti-fascist 

On the 11 September 1949, the militant anti-fascist 43 Group, alongside communist allies, held a meeting outside Hackney Town Hall, preventing a march of Oswald Mosley’s Union Movement from commencing there. However, Geoffrey Bernerd, the 43 Group’s co-chairman, found himself confronted by an opponent more intimidating than any fascist – the mother of Group member “Mad” Jules Konopinski.

Jules, who has passed away at the age of 93, watched in horror as his mother berated Bernerd in her thick central European accent, holding his influence responsible for her son’s activities over the past three years. Jules had joined the 43 Group when he was just 16, had left to fight in Israel’s War of Independence when he was 18 and, returning to Britain a year later, had immediately resumed fighting fascism. But, as Bernerd tried to protest, he had just as little influence over Jules’s decisions as Jules’s mother.

Born in Breslau, Germany in 1930, Julius Hillel Konopinski, was the only son of Tauba and Isaac (their second son Leonard was born sixteen years later). Breslau was a hotbed of Nazi activity; Jules had early memories of witnessing anti-Semitic incidents, and his parents were desperate to flee. Whilst returning from collecting visas from the US embassy on the eve of Yom Kippur in 1938, Isaac was arrested by the Gestapo. Somehow, he managed to escape their custody and fled to London on a one-week visa.

A cousin in Forest Hill hid him in his London flat and helped get word to Tauba who assumed her husband dead. She began liquidating the family’s assets; they had a very successful hat-making business and, less the heavy Jew-Tax the Nazis demanded, they escaped to Poland with her remaining money hidden in Jules’s clothes. It took almost a year for them to receive the necessary permits for travelling to Britain, finally arriving in September 1939 on one of the last ships carrying refugees from the continent.

Nine-year old Jules spoke no English, something his parents were desperate to correct. The evacuation meant most schools were closed, but an east London convent was providing lessons to some poor Jewish girls, and the nuns agreed to teach Jules on the condition that he also learn the catechism and say Catholic prayers. Within a year, Jules had enough English to earn a scholarship to Parmiter’s School.

Located in Bethnal Green, the pre-war stomping of the deeply antisemitic Imperial Fascist League, Jules found himself the target of playground abuse. Confronting this head on, Jules took to standing in a crater in Victoria Park near his school every morning, challenging anyone who dared insult him to a fight. When his family moved to Clapton, Jules moved to the Hackney Downs School, which had a large Jewish attendance, including a young Harold Pinter who Jules helped study for his English matriculation exams.

When the war ended and returning ex-servicemen were prioritised for university places, Jules decided to leave school and begin an apprenticeship as a leather worker, whilst membership of the Hackney Boys Club provided him with a thriving social life.

In 1946, east London Jews were very aware of the attempt by British fascists to resurrect their movement, through engaging in street politics and targeting the Jewish community once again, and there was deep frustration that the authorities were not intervening. Jules, who had witnessed first-hand as a child what happens when fascists are not dealt with, thought this was an outrage. Thus, when news percolated through to him via the Boys Club that a Jewish anti-fascist organisation had been established to tackle the fascists directly, he was keen to join.

Founded as the 43 Group of Jewish Ex-Servicemen, membership was never limited to those who had served in the war, and Jules was amongst a small group of tough Jewish lads who had been too young to serve in the forces and felt like they had missed out on fighting fascism. Many of these lads were members of the Group’s East End section, which was itself broken up into smaller cells based upon location. Jules lived in Clapton, but he became a key member of the Whitechapel cell which was notorious in the Group for having some of its most vicious members.

Jules was a seven-day a week man, working at his apprenticeship during the day and giving his evenings and weekends to the 43 Group. Jobs ranged from tailing fascists and selling the Group’s newspaper to more direct action including targeting fascist newspaper sellers and dissuading potential fascist supporters from attending their events.

By far the most common task was attending fascist street meetings, sometimes to observe, sometimes to heckle and sometimes to go on the attack. Jules was proud of his role as a foot-soldier boasting “I was always there, always reliable and always did what I was told…I was game, I was fearless.” He was arrested on several occasions and ended up in court at least twice. He beat one possessing offensive weapons charge by successfully claiming that the knife he had in his possession was for leather working. On another occasion, as a notoriously antisemitic police inspector came to give evidence against 43 Group members at Bow Street Magistrates Court, Jules threw himself to the ground as the Inspector walked past, leading to the judge reprimanding the policeman.

In 1948, Jules attended recruitment meetings facilitated by the 43 Group for the newly forming Israeli army. Along with several others who had been too young to fight in the World War, Jules volunteered. He slipped out of the country in the summer of 1948 and made his way to Marseille, from where he flew out to Haifa in the same transport as his good friend and fellow 43 Group member Vidal Sassoon. Jules served in Palmach for a year before returning to Britain.

By 1950 the post-war fascist movement had petered out, with Mosley leaving the country. The Group’s leadership felt it was time to bring the organisation to an end. Jules was so vociferously opposed to this that at the final meeting he had to be thrown out of the hall. Jules always felt that the Group’s biggest mistake was closing down, and he believed that the far right would have had a far trickier time coming back in the 1960s if the Group had continued and maintained its vigilance.

Jules remained close with a network of Group veterans who shared his concerns, and when in the summer of 1962 he was driving past Trafalgar Square and saw a large banner that read “Free Britain from Jewish Control”, heralding the arrival of Colin Jordan’s National Socialist Movement, Jules made some calls and the network sprung into action. Jules was not at the meeting where the 62 Committee, the 43 Group’s successor organization, was founded, but he was a committed member from its founding until its closure in 1975.

Even though Jules now had a growing handbag business, a wife, and two young daughters he was just as committed to the 62 as he had been to the 43. Mosley was also active in the sixties, and at a Union Movement rally, Jules was part of a small group of 62 members who managed to get close enough to him to start kicking Mosley, knowing full well that the phlebitis he suffered from inflamed his knees, and a few well aimed kicks would send him crumpling to the ground.

In recent years, with the passing of the older members of the 43 Group, Jules took up the baton of keeping the Group’s memory alive, telling its story to journalists and filmmakers, researchers, and at schools and public events. For Jules the lesson of his life in anti-fascism was clear: the authorities could never be trusted to do the right thing, and if you wanted to guarantee the protection of yourself and your community you had to stand up and fight for yourself.

Outside of his anti-fascist work Jules ran a successful leather goods business for many years, alongside his wife Eleanor – who sadly passed away in 1993. Jules was also a member of several masonic lodges and was highly respected within the freemasonry movement. He is survived by his partner Valerie, his daughters Michele and Carolyne, his brother Lennard, grandchildren, and great grandchildren.

Daniel Sonabend is the author of “We Fight Fascists: The 43 Group and their Forgotten Battle for Post-War Britain”

UKIP: desperate move to refill the ranks

UKIP is shifting further to the right, reversing a ban on former members of nazi groups, to include more ‘like minded people’, but the party has been in crisis for some time. Tony Peters follows its decline

UKIP has moved significantly to the right in recent months with the lifting of a long-standing ban on former members of fascist and nazi groups joining the party. The move appears to have set off something of a crisis in the party, with several high-level resignations ensuing.

UKIP’s rule book for many years contained a clause banning former members of certain proscribed parties or organisations from joining. These included Britain First, the British National Party, the English Defence League and the National Front. Former UKIP party leader Nigel Farage frequently cited this ban as evidence that UKIP was not an extremist party.

However, at a meeting of the UKIP national executive committee (NEC)on 15 April, this all changed. By a unanimous vote, the list of banned extreme right groups was removed completely and replaced with a list of proscribed left-wing groups, including Antifa, Hope Not Hate, Left Unity, Extinction Rebellion and Stop The Oil (sic). (Hope Not Hate was, in fact, already the subject of a ban voted through by the 2013 UKIP conference).

UKIP thus flung open its doors to fascists and neo-nazis, who are now free to join. Party leader Ben Walker described the decision as ‘… a swing to now exclude the ‘Extreme Left’ as opposed to like-minded, free-thinking people of the right…’

One in, one out The lift on the ban on extremists has seen Ann Marie Waters (left) back in the fold as justice spokesperson, while Patricia Bryant has been the first of many to part ways with UKIP

A few days later UKIP announced that former far-right For Britain leader Ann Marie Waters, was rejoining and would immediately be appointed its justice spokesperson.

The NEC decision was followed fairly quickly by the resignation of NEC member and agriculture spokesperson, Patricia Bryant. Talk within UKIP was that she had gone as a direct result of the ban being lifted, though she has denied this to Searchlight, insisting it was because she no longer wanted to ‘traipse’ up to London once a month for NEC meetings when she could be riding her horse. Bryant is known, also, to have questioned whether Waters rejoining ‘is supposed to be good news?’

She was, however, followed by East and West Midlands organiser Ryan Fisher and East Midlands Chair John Laing. The post of West Midlands chair had been vacant for a while, so these departures left the entire Midlands organisation without any officers. Then, only a few days later, the entire list of regional officers was removed from the party website, suggesting that the number of vacancies had now become an embarrassment.

Unsavoury

Lifting the nazi ban is part of a long term rightward shift by the former anti-EU party which foundered after the Brexit referendum. It was damaged by the departure of Nigel Farage in 2018, and the subsequent launch of his Brexit Party, now called Reform UK and led by Richard Tice.

Farage left UKIP, he said, in protest at the appointment of Tommy Robinson as a UKIP adviser on ‘rape gangs’ by former UKIP leader Gerard Batten and support for the appointment from the UKIP NEC. Batten also allowed notorious conspiracy theorists to join up. In 2021, current UKIP leader Neil Hamilton and chairman Ben Walker attended the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) conference on Family Policy in Dresden.

But the party is in crisis. Branches are moribund across the country, and it is being outflanked by Tice and Reform UK. UKIP desperately needs to find numbers somewhere: membership that only four years ago stood at around 30,000 has collapsed. Internal sources say that members are now counted in hundreds not thousands. In the recent local elections, the party lost all its remaining local council seats.

UKIP is desperate to arrest its decline and is touting around for similar thinking groups to link up with. Recently appointed deputy leader Rebecca Jane has been deputed to enter talks with these and other right-wing outfits, with a view to unification.

The prize would be Reform UK. Many UKIP activists loathe Tice, but would give anything to get into serious unity talks with him. All overtures so far have been rebuffed, and Jane’s efforts are coming to little. Laurence Fox of Reclaim strung her along for a while, then blew any agreement out of the water by standing against her in Uxbridge. Reform UK and Reclaim have now agreed a non-aggression pact so they don’t fight each other in by-elections, but UKIP has been excluded. There is now much moaning internally about Jane’s fitness for the role. Her grasp of politics is slim, and she seems to believe that her ‘personality’ will woo over the likes of Tice and Fox. But they do not appear to be as easily impressed as the party chairman, whose idea it was to assign her to this task. Sacked Tory MP Andrew Bridgen’s decision to join Reclaim was seen as a massive failure on her part.

Fox, of course, has ample funding from multimillionaire Jeremy Hosking so is not to be tempted, at this stage at least, even by the harvest of legacies that have been left to UKIP in the wills of elderly members and that they hope to reap. That may not be so straightforward as it seems, though. A recent court case featuring a bequest of around £180,000 to UKIP saw the deceased’s family arguing that circumstances in relation to UKIP have changed so significantly since his death that the bequest was no longer appropriate. The judge agreed and UKIP left the court empty handed, except for a bill for costs. There was much subsequent recrimination at top level.

The recent by-elections have also drawn unwelcome attention to those who now control the party. Deputy leader Jane has a colourful past as founder of a ‘Lady Detective Agency’ that specialised in entrapping suspected wayward husbands. She also admitted to sending topless pictures of herself to ex-footballer Michael Owen (at his request) only a couple of years ago.

Then, a charity she has been running for the past 18 months came under scrutiny from the Charity Commission, although the commission decided to take no further action. Added to that, her party chairman Ben Walker was branded a ‘rogue builder’ after being convicted for a string of serious breaches of building regulations in 2019.

Her recently appointed election agent is Geoff Courtenay, who was thrown out of the Conservative Party for inappropriate Facebook posts. In 2014, he argued that using words like ‘Paki’ or ‘Chinky’ were ‘no more than calling a Sandwich a “sarnie”’.

As for UKIP ‘leader’ Hamilton, where do we begin? There’s so much to say and not enough space to say it. Perhaps new and curious readers should just begin here: