This breath-taking documentary has been long in the making, has already won 7 awards and will no doubt win more. Ken Keable, himself a London Recruit, felt compelled to document and tell the hidden stories which he did in his book London Recruits: The Secret War against Apartheid published in 2012. When the director, Gordon Main, heard about Ken’s book he felt similarly compelled to put those stories onto the big screen. That it has taken him 10 years to do so is an indication of his dedication to this project and how important he feels it is to tell the story of what he sees as mainly working class solidarity, across international borders to fight against the injustice of South Africa’s apartheid in the late 1960’s and 70’s.
In 1962, the ANC had been crushed with Mandela serving a life sentence and many other leaders in exile. Oliver Tambo, living in London, was tasked with building support for opposition to apartheid outside of South Africa. Tambo was an astute strategist and saw a role above and beyond protests and boycotts of South African goods and banks. His vision was for young White British activists to pose as tourists and travel to South Africa to undertake acts of propaganda. The acts were all peaceful but recruits were warned of the heavy price they would pay if caught and they were crucially all sworn to secrecy. This secrecy was kept by most recruits for the many decades after their missions and until Ken Keable began contacting them and they began to recall the most extraordinary events undertaken by, as they all have said, very ordinary people.
The film is a powerful blend of a small group of the almost 100 recruits recounting their part in a particular mission, alongside some excellent reconstruction of the ambitious and daring mission itself. Main and his co-directors secured a really stellar cast taking on the roles of those recruited by Ronnie Kasrils under the command of Oliver Tambo, alongside an excellent South African cast and crew.
The film is graphic in its depiction of apartheid in action with archive footage and reconstruction again blended to great effect. The bravery of the recruits and South African activists is astounding when faced with vicious beatings and death threats. It is an immensely emotional film which certainly fulfils part of its purpose in making the viewer ask oneself – what would I do, what can I do, in the fight against injustice. It is visually stunning, and both excruciating and exhilarating to watch.
The official premiere was a screening on 21st November 2024 at the Ritzy cinema, in Brixton, with many of the recruits present in the audience and one of the recruits featured in the film part of the post screening Q and A session. There have been many preview screenings of the film at earlier stages of its existence and it is now ready for further community screenings of which there will be many up and down the UK. Interested groups are asked to make contact via the film’s website where you can also see trailers for the film that will undoubtedly make you determined to find a screening. www.londonrecruits.com
if you want o find out about some of the other recruits not featured in the film, you can find many of their testaments and media interviews at the website of original book, The London Recruits. https://londonrecruits.org.uk/
The directors and the recruits want the film to be used for education and as a call to action for the next generation of activists. They want it known that despite the UK government’s support and endorsement of the South African regime at the time, ordinary people were willing to put themselves at risk for what was not obviously ‘their’ fight , to support the South Africans in a struggle which they ultimately won themselves, on their terms. The recruits, for their part, are simply happy to have played a small part, as a catalyst, in rebuilding the underground movement that rose and re-organised and saw the eventual demise of over 40 years of apartheid.
You know what to do: go see the film.
The People’s Release: 21 Nov 2024 to Freedom Day on 27th April 2025.
So, the far right – in this case the Traditional Britain Group – is getting all upset about a new TV series that features people of colour working during the Blitz.
If we are being generous, we can attribute this to a lazy, mistaken view that Britain was 100% white in the 1930s and 1940s. But it wasn’t. Long established communities of Chinese, Africans and Jews were to be found in our major cities and many notable figures are recorded in British history. Just read Black Tudors by Miranda Kaufmann for an excellent look at the situation in the 1500s. So it is indeed the racist right who are seeking to change history and obscure the truth that that these isles have been truly multiracial for the longest time.
As is well documented, many thousands of black and brown people joined the fight against Nazism and fascism in World War 2. And, specifically, there is nothing historically inccurate about portraying black people also working during the Blitz: take the case of George Roberts (above, right) who fought in the British Army in the World War 1, then served in the fire service in London during the Blitz. In 1944, he was awarded the British Empire Medal, in part for outstanding service in his firefighting duties. A man who did far more for the country than the useless gobshite keyboard warriors who populate the TBG social media feeds.
As the party lurches from defeat to disaster, Mark Scholl wonders how much longer its leader, Paul Golding, can continue to kid enough people to fund his futile activities
In 2016, Paul Golding and his ex‑girlfriend Jayda Fransen were able to lead several hundred supporters through Rotherham in a protest against so-called grooming gangs. This scandal, which rocked the town and left the police and social services with many serious questions to answer, spoke to 20 years of failure – 20 years of letting vulnerable children down at every turn.
Against this background, Golding, Fransen and his reasonably well‑organised Britain First activist corps were able to encourage a segment of the local population to take to the streets. Golding, of course, had no tangible answers, as the authorities, seeing the error of their ways, were slowly starting to look in the mirror and admit to what had happened.
At this time, Searchlight readers may remember, Britain First was trending on Twitter and Facebook and had hundreds of thousands of theoretical supporters. Most important of all, from Golding’s perspective, these were all potential donors and, given the apparent level of political action, they gave generously. When microphones were listening and recorders recording, Golding, in several unguarded moments, admitted that his group had raked in hundreds of thousands of pounds.
Having been trained by, and at the time friendly with, Belfast bible‑basher and financier Jim Dowson, Golding had learnt how to extract the maximum funding from donors and supporters. Dowson and Golding linked up during the relatively heady heights of the British National Party’s (BNP) growth period in the mid to late 2000s, culminating in the election of Nick Griffin and Andrew Brons to the European Parliament.
It was at this time, in Dowson’s Belfast call centre, well organised and very well-funded, that Golding saw opportunities to raise money. He was making several thousand pounds a month from his BNP work at the time.
He was even an elected BNP councillor between 2009 and 2011, horribly misrepresenting St Mary’s Ward, Swanley. Little did he know that the miserable 2.8% of the vote he received as the BNP parliamentary candidate for Sevenoaks in the 2010 general election would be his highest ever personal vote.
What a rap sheet …
Britain First was always about Golding and his need to fund a certain lifestyle. His style, if that is what it is, is the pushy used car salesman from South East London. Everything must be done now, money is needed now, this is the best product – sorry, cause – that your money can buy.
Ask rightwingers for their main criticism of Golding and they will reply: “He’s always asking for money.” If they are reasonably well clued up, they will also tell you that pictures released of various activities always tend to include the same rump of shabbily presented individuals, with Golding in the middle pretending to be a modern-day Winston Churchill.
Begging letters attached to e-mails are sent out weekly, if not twice weekly: Britain, patriots or, more likely, Golding himself, are “under threat”. In the great leader’s case, it’s almost certainly to raise funds to get him out of the latest legal wrangle. But leading a gang of criminals almost certainly requires leadership by example. Here is a flavour of the Golding rap sheet: criminal damage, breach of the peace, harassment, breach of court order, religious harassment, assault, religiously aggravated harassment, threatening abusive and insulting language, inciting racial hatred, offences under the Terrorism Act. Were that not enough, there are also two jail sentences, one suspended sentence and numerous fines and community orders.
But there are other crimes that Golding has been accused of, not the least of which were hugely serious allegations made against him by none other than former lover and deputy leader Jayda Fransen, who said that during their abusive relationship, he hit her on several occasions. These revelations sent shockwaves throughout Britain First and the fascist movement in general. Great damage was caused to Golding and many activists left there and then.
Now, Fransen associates with Nick Griffin, Jim Dowson, a small group of anti-abortion activists in Northern Ireland where she lives and makes regular weekly videos in which supporters are encouraged to donate during proceedings.
Going down …
Fast forward to today and Britain First is still on the scene. But nothing has changed, except that Golding, and his new Jayda, the hapless Ashlea Simon from Walkden, Manchester, now run the party.
Paul Golding (above with mic) and Ashlea Simon (above right), organise events just to give the impression of activity to get donors to cough up their money
Despite the claims that Britain First is led by “the last man standing on the nationalist scene” and that Golding’s supposed “experience” (the arrests? the prison sentences? the woman beating? the hatred directed at minorities, especially Muslims?) makes him the “natural leader of the nationalist movement”, his party is in decline.
Still able to pull in lots of money, often from former supporters who do not even realise that their small recurring donations of £5 or £10 continue to be taken from their bank accounts, the party has gone from defeat to disaster.
A recent “national conference,” reported by Searchlight, was held in what can only be described as a scout hut complete with an ancient 1980s games console sitting in the corner! The attendance, as all the imagery we examined indicated, was under 40.
This is not a thriving national movement. It has fewer active branches than ever and sources tell us that Golding and Simon know this and are organising regional events only in order to give the impression, to donors, that activities continue apace.
Hence pictures of various, obvious, publicity gimmicks around the UK. Banner drops that last 30 minutes. Photographing a handful of activists with a large anti-immigration banner sneaking onto Parliament Square in London early one morning. Driving the ancient Britain First battle buses into Blackpool only to be given short shrift by police and public alike. And, most recently, another “national march” in Tamworth peopled by a busload of around 40 activists.
The normal procedure is to take plenty of photos and video, stick them on Britain First social media accounts on Telegram and Twitter/X and pretend that this really is (honest, guv) a “growing nationalist movement”.
Irrelevant
The problem is, it is the same few people in most photographs, which means that the demands on hardcore activists, a few dozen nationally, are huge – money, time, travel, effort, danger. That’s because Britain First is not only unpopular, but largely irrelevant on the nationalist scene and Golding knows it. From 300 marchers to under 50 in ten years. Hardly the stuff of legends.
Fantasy thinking: Dreaming of a non‑existent ‘glorious’ past
Then there are elections. This is a story of utter and embarrassing failure from a mere 400 votes in the Wellingborough by-election to absolute disaster in the London Mayoral Election, where Nick Scanlon, the Britain First candidate, got around 1% of the vote and was ignominiously defeated by joke candidate Count Binface.
Britain First simply cannot compete with Reform UK Ltd – not a chance. Voters will always opt for the marginally more respectable Faragistas. Worse still, Golding and Simon spent tens of thousands (£50k, we’re told) on the London campaign. Much of this was to guarantee that candidate Scanlon appeared in the official booklet offered to several million voters and delivered to all houses in advance of polling. Golding, boasting about this inclusion, claimed it would bring in huge interest, more supporters, funds, credibility. But, we understand, it almost bankrupted the party, bringing Golding’s decision-making again into serious question.
Better grifters
Last man standing? Maybe within Britain First’s weird little orbit, but do not forget, Golding is up against the British Democrats, with seasoned, veteran fascists like Andrew Brons, Jim Lewthwaite, Laurence Rustem and old BNPers like Derek Beacon. Then there is Patriotic Alternative, clearly better grifters than Golding, Robin Tilbrook’s comedy English Democrats, getting in bed with the political Mary Celeste that is UKIP; the Homeland Party under Kenny Smith that has had a reasonably good year, and Alek Yerbury’s National Rebirth Party that, although small, is engaging in real time local political activity with limited success.
And there are others too, particularly the whole casual street movement under the direction of the grifter par excellence, Stephen Yaxley-Lennon (aka Tommy Robinson), the hooligans’ favourite Irishman living in Spain on his Irish passport.
With Britain First, it is always about the money – and to donate you would have to have a failing or short-term memory. Urgent money for legal bills, newspapers, leaflets, the occasional election, security for the alleged “fantastic new Britain First HQ” that is permanently shrouded in mystery, which looks more like Harry Potter’s broom cupboard under the stairs – complete with thousands of undelivered Britain First leaflets – money for new cameras, money for trips abroad and so it goes on …
What has the several millions Golding has got through since Britain First was founded actually delivered from a nationalist point of view? Virtually nothing apart from arrests, charges, prison sentences and regret. It has failed to deliver anything of note and Golding presents a very shabby appearance these days, despite having tens of thousands of donors’ money on which to draw.
Simply stunts
Where is it all going? ask former members, people on the far right, donors and activists.
How long will Golding and Simon be able to carry on in this current iteration of Britain First? Not long, if their own propaganda pictures are anything to go by. When you release pictures of a banner drop and there are more union flags on display than activists there is a problem. It is gesture politics at its worst.
There are few local branches. Election candidates are appointed way beyond their natural ability. An example of this is wannabe Proud Boy Alex Merola, the Wellingborough failure whose only ability appears to be agreeing enthusiastically with Leader Golding during BF live streams.
Boasting about being friends with Tommy Robinson does not appear to help Golding either. Why would it? Nobody apart from football hooligans, the desperately misled and bigoted, support Yaxley Lennon. And he is better at grifting than Golding. The gig may indeed be up …
Just as we pen this testament to Golding’s failing political entity, the Great Leader has rather proved our point with a Telegram post that says: “Britain First takes over a busy roundabout in Salford, Manchester.”
The current crop of extremist parties and hangers-on follows the same pattern of chopping and changing alliances as in the past. Among this year’s newbies is the Homeland Party, which may – or may not – have prospects. Paul Gale reports
This autumn sees Britain’s far-right facing fundamental choices. Searchlight has monitored the usual personal faction fights, with aspiring mini-führers seeking to be not so much the biggest fish in the pond as the biggest fishing rod in the donor pool, but we have also observed these leaders toying with alternative political strategies and ideologies.
We should start with two terms often thrown about in far-right factional discourse: civic nationalism and racial nationalism.
Civic nationalism
Civic nationalists believe that to be British one must sign up to a certain set of traditional values, and they share the racist habit of defining nationality in terms of a hostile reaction to “otherness”. They are most often linked to the political right and use racist messaging or “dog whistles” to win over alienated working-class voters towards parties whose agenda is otherwise hostile to their interests: shrinking the welfare state and undermining trade union rights.
But civic nationalists are prepared to accept that Britishness can extend to some immigrants and their descendants. Hence the standard trope “some of my best friends are black” or “some of my best friends are Jews”. In political terms, this extends to the ostentatious display of ethnic minority activists on civic nationalist platforms.
Racial nationalism
The racial nationalism version is often a synonym for Nazism. In the 1930s, it was Hitler’s Third Reich that adopted racial pseudoscience at the core of its ideology, while other fascist movements, including Mussolini’s Italian regime, were open to ethnic minorities, at least in theory and often in practice, until military and diplomatic alliances with Germany made it wise to follow Hitler’s lead.
It is no surprise, therefore, to find that, in today’s Britain, racial nationalists are usually people who started their political odyssey in one or more openly nazi parties such as John Tyndall’s British National Party (BNP) or earlier the National Front (NF), and/or have a record of Holocaust denial.
Some racial nationalists are straightforward Hitlerites, others align themselves with Hitler’s internal critics, the Strasser brothers, or with more esoteric European movements such as the Spanish Falangists or the Romanian Iron Guard. Together with their main pseudoscientific obsession, these racial nationalists are sometimes to the “left” of civic nationalists in their views on economics and the role of the state. But they should never be mistaken for friends of democracy or trade unionism.
Tories to nazis
Civic nationalism can be found across the mainstream right. And the border between civic and racial nationalism has never been more porous. The Traditional Britain Group (TBG) often acts as a bridge, rather like its 1970s predecessors such as Lady Birdwood’s WISE [Welsh Irish Scots English].
This year’s conference was a typical example, with speakers including the conspiracy theorist David Clews (an ex-Tory who is now a close ally of prominent British nazi, Mark Collett), and a Bundestag member from Alternative for Germany (AfD), the German party whose first leaders were Thatcherite tax-cutting conservatives, but which is now a civic nationalist party with a racial nationalist hard core.
TBG’s audience at London’s up-market St Ermin’s Hotel included right-wing Tories and Reform UK supporters, but also leading members of three rival racial nationalist parties. Jim Lewthwaite, the septuagenarian leader of the British Democrats, Kenny Smith, leader of the Homeland Party, and Lady Michèle Renouf, the Holocaust denier and David Irving superfan who now backs Patriotic Alternative, were all in attendance.
In the sumptuous surroundings of St Ermin’s Hotel this year’s Traditional Britain Group conference heard from, among others, conspiracy theorist David Clews
Within TBG’s leadership their late vice‑president Sam Swerling, although an ex-Tory parliamentary candidate, also spent some years in the BNP, where he used the alias Peter Strudwick. Andrew Moffat, a TBG committee member, is a former NF member and was for a while right-hand man to Holocaust denier David Irving.
The oddest case of all is “Professor” John Kersey, TBG vice‑president, whose wife “Dr” Kathleen Kersey was once a leading nazi. Using various names, including Kate Dermody, she helped her former partner (and father of her first child), Kevin Watmough, to run the British People’s Party and other explicitly nazi activities in Leeds. Watmough is most famous for his involvement with Combat 18 and other terroristic nazi outfits, including the Redwatch website.
Brexit and culture wars have pushed yesterday’s Tories closer to civic nationalism, and yesterday’s civic nationalists into increasingly overt racism.
It might be argued that even a “moderate” Tory such as Theresa May was echoing civic nationalism when she told her party conference in 2016: “If you believe you are a citizen of the world, you are a citizen of nowhere.”
The difference between traditional Tory patriots and civic nationalists is that the latter put the distinction between British and “other” at the heart of their political outlook. The 2016 Brexit referendum could therefore be seen as the apotheosis of civic nationalism. Admittedly, a section of those who voted “leave” were motivated by economic arguments, and even by the old left’s hostility to the European Union as a “capitalist club”. But the core of the Brexit campaign was civic nationalist.
One dividing line between the Tory right and civic nationalism was the split between two rival pro-Brexit campaign groups. Vote Leave made a point of being chaired by a Labour MP (Gisela Stuart), with a long-term Labour donor as vice-chair, although it mainly comprised long-term Tory Eurosceptics such as Michael Gove and Iain Duncan Smith, and its most visible figurehead was the opportunist convert to Brexit, Boris Johnson.
Also promoting Brexit was a rival campaign group, Leave.EU. This had Nigel Farage as its figurehead, competing with Johnson to be the main public face of the Leave campaign, and was founded by Farage’s cronies Richard Tice and Arron Banks.
Leave.EU was more obviously civic nationalist. It blatantly and persistently put the pro-Brexit cause in terms of scare stories about immigration. The group’s tactics often crossed the line into racist “dog whistling”, for example when a Leave.EU post on Facebook described Naz Shah (Labour MP for Bradford West) as a “grooming gangs apologist”. This vile attack led to a libel action, and Leave.EU had to pay Ms Shah damages, as well as issuing a full retraction and apology.
Leave.EU was the most successful operation of the Farageist tendency in British politics, which has spawned several political parties. Farage and his civic nationalist faction took over UKIP, a party whose first leader, Alan Sked, based his opposition to the EU more on libertarian economics and was disgusted by Farage’s anti-immigration focus.
Dominant party
In 2024, civic nationalist politics is dominated by Farage’s latest party, Reform UK. Although vocal hostility to immigration is central to its electoral appeal, Reform UK makes a point of promoting its ethnic minority members, including party chairman Zia Yusuf, a multimillionaire public schoolboy and former Goldman Sachs banker of Sri Lankan Muslim heritage.
After gaining five seats at July’s general election, Reform UK is pushing for defections from the Conservatives. Farage has issued an ultimatum to sitting Tory councillors in advance of next May’s county council elections, saying they must jump ship by 6 November if they wish to avoid having Reform UK opposition on polling day.
But, with both candidates for the Tory leadership echoing Farage’s style of politics, there have been relatively few defections so far, and several of those who have opted for Reform UK are individuals who had already been dropped by the Tories for various reasons. These included Reform’s first county councillor Jaymey McIvor in Ongar, Essex. McIvor had already been suspended by the Conservative Party in June this year, when he was dropped as general election candidate for Hemel Hempstead for unexplained reasons, hours before nominations closed.
Farage’s problem is that he has already gathered almost all of the votes (and the few serious activists) from within the non-Tory civic nationalist spectrum. His old party UKIP, as Searchlight has documented, is falling apart and has little reason to exist other than to harvest legacies from elderly supporters.
Its survival prospects may, however, be boosted by possible alliances with both Tommy Robinson (the former English Defence League leader who always has an eye for a financial opportunity, but whose record in electoral politics is pathetic), and the English Democrats (ED), led by Essex solicitor Robin Tilbrook.
‘Dog whistle’ dilemma
The ED sums up the civic nationalist dilemma. How loudly should such parties sound the racist dog whistle?
Ever since Brexit, cowardice among journalists and mainstream politicians has made life easier for crypto-racists, and it has become a cliché on the far right to talk about the shifting Overton window.
Even so, Tilbrook’s record of cosying up to open racists and fascists is exceptional. In 2004, he sealed a short‑lived electoral pact with Third Way (a party founded by Patrick Harrington after multiple splits in the 1980s version of the NF) and the Freedom Party, an early splinter from Nick Griffin’s BNP, which included Griffin’s former deputy Sharron Edwards, as well as ex-Monday Club racists such as barrister Adrian Davies and the far-right’s eccentric “intellectual” Jonathan Bowden.
A couple of years after the collapse of this pact, Tilbrook was working with another BNP renegade, nazi magazine Heritage & Destiny editor Mark Cotterill, who was elected to Blackburn council for his two-nazis-and-an-Alsatian party England First. This was yet another Tilbrook venture that fizzled out. Although the ED remained a multiracial party, he carried on looking for new allies on the racist scene.
His most successful pact was with Eddy Butler, the East London BNP election guru, who brought a few dozen anti-Griffin BNP veterans into Tilbrook’s party. The most notable was former councillor Chris Beverley, an employee of BNP MEP Andrew Brons.
Robin Tilbrook of English Democrats (top left) has worked with Mark Cotterill (top centre), ex-British National Party, and Steve Laws (top right), of the Homeland Party. Laws and Tory Pete North (bottom left) were both in attendance at this year’s Homeland conference, while speakers at the equivalent Patriotic Alternative event included Sascha Rossmüller (bottom centre), of Germany’s NPD, and Blair Cottrell (bottom right), of Australia’s National Socialist Network
Now Tilbrook collaborates with at least three rival nationalist parties (one civic and two racial). The ED recently held a joint conference with UKIP, but just two months earlier it happily endorsed three nazis from Patriotic Alternative (PA) as ED candidates, as well as one of the country’s most vocal online racists, Steve Laws.
And just a few weeks before that, Tilbrook’s ED also worked with members of the PA splinter Homeland Party.
New jargon, old trope
The blurring border between civic and racial nationalism was best shown by the Homeland Party’s conference in September, where the panel of speakers included the party’s newest recruit Laws, a vocal racist, as well as Pete North, a prolific blogger and social media spouter previously associated with UKIP.
North is still a card-carrying member of the Conservative Party, and regularly posted in support of failed Tory leadership candidate Robert Jenrick. But he has also drawn up a verbose “manifesto”, apparently at the invitation of leading UKIP members.
At the Homeland event, and in several online articles since, North tortuously explained his political journey away from civic nationalism and towards a form of racial nationalism. For North (whose father Dr Richard North has been one of the main thinkers on the Eurosceptic scene for more than 30 years) the bottom line is that nationalists should be talking not only about shutting out migrants, but also about deporting a large number of people who are already in the UK.
The buzzword now is “remigration”. What that means in practice is what generations of racists called “repatriation”. Even former civic nationalists like North are now open in saying this should not even be voluntary. In other words, they are to the right of the position adopted by nazis such as John Tyndall in the late 1990s when they shifted BNP policy away from compulsory repatriation.
North wrote after the Homeland event that “with Reform being non-committal on radical immigration policies, it’s clear that there is room for a party which explicitly commits to deportations”.
What is most striking about North’s argument is that, while he continues to have reservations about his new allies and remains vocally anti-nazi (in this sense, remaining a traditional “patriotic” right-winger), his assessment of Homeland’s self-styled “sensible nationalism” was more about optics than ideology.
As North puts it: “The BNP I knew of in 1990s Bradford was a lower working-class affair, and events wouldn’t be all that dissimilar to a bingo night in a working men’s club, usually with a beefy skinhead on the door to keep out any leftist agitators (or curious Ukippers). This wasn’t that. Not even close.”
North too has now joined the Homeland Party, which he describes as “something new in politics”. His enthusiasm for Smith’s “sensible” version of racism seemed unaffected by what he must surely know: Smith and Homeland’s leaders were until recently leading officials of an openly nazi party, PA, and Smith himself and several other senior figures at the conference date back to an older nazi movement, Tyndall’s BNP.
A few weeks after the Homeland event, its rivals in PA held a more overtly Hitlerite event. Speakers included Sascha Rossmüller, a 30-year veteran of Germany’s oldest far-right party NPD, now rebranded as Homeland, and Blair Cottrell, one of the leaders of a tiny Australian street gang that openly calls itself the National Socialist Network.
And that is now a key concept for readers to bear in mind. Today’s nazis are part of a network where the kaleidoscope of parties, movements, video streams and blogs shifts several times a year. Right now, it looks as though the Homeland Party is best placed to make recruits if Farage starts to expel or just disappoint some of his more unashamedly racist members, but that could quickly change.
TOP PICTURE:Adherents of the various strands of nationalism cross-pollinate their poisonous ideas at the TBG conference: Jim Lewthwaite (above left) of British Democrats, Holocaust denier Lady Michèle Renouf (bottom centre) and Homeland’s Kenny Smith (bottom right). Reform UK’s Nigel Farage (top right) is hoping for high-profile defections from the Tories to boost his party’s profile
This is going to be interesting – BF leader Paul Golding has been boasting about having 20k paid up members. Now he is calling a demo in the Midlands on November 30th. He claims it will be their biggest demo ever.
So, it’s put up or shut up time. We will see just how many he can call out. Our money says you’ll be able to count them in dozens, or possibly the very low hundreds. But thousands? We don’t think so.
And he wants it kept secret – presumably so he can discreetly pull the plug if it looks like it will be just too embarrassing .
Sorry we can’t oblige.
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