Author Archives: Searchlight Team

Trump indictment splits MAGA base by Leonard Zeskind

First published in the Spring 2023 issue of Searchlight magazine

Despite waning support, with many right wing groups now turning to white nationalists, Trump still leads the pack of Republican presidential wannabes. Leonard Zeskind weighs up his chances

Trump  Photo: Gage Skidmore

https://www.flickr.com/photos/gageskidmore/51826153195/in/photostream

On 19 April 2023, as anti-racist demonstrators carried placards in North Kansas City, a young white man who was driving by yelled ‘Trump 2024’, in an apparent rebuke of the demonstrators and their anti-racist goal. That is what the name ‘Trump’ now means: a rebuke to democracy, equality and plain-old good sense.

A New York State Attorney General had convened a grand jury to gather the evidence, which indicted Donald Trump in early April on 34 counts of ‘falsifying business records’. According to the Statement of Facts, before he was elected US President in 2016, Trump had had sex with a porn star while he was married, and through an elaborate scheme had paid the woman $130,000 to keep quiet. Apparently, he believed that a straightforward statement of facts would hurt him with voters.

Trump’s base responded with solid support in the polls and a fundraising bump. He has announced his candidacy for the Republican Party nomination for president, and is outscoring any actual or presumed alternative Republican candidates at this early juncture.

The Republican Governor of Missouri and other politicians pinned the blame for Trump’s indictment on George Soros, a liberal Jewish donor to education and democratic action. They did not blame Trump’s 90-second sexual spree or his attempt to buy the woman off. Instead, they acted like it was ‘blame the Jew’ time on their calendar.

When the indictment was handed down, Trump called for protests in the streets. The New York Young Republican Club answered the call. They were outnumbered by anti-Trump protestors and the police used barricades to keep the camps apart. Apparently, fears of being arrested kept the number of Trump supporters down. The memory of 6 January 2021 in the Capitol is still too raw. Since then, over 1,000 people have been arrested for that event. And the seditious conspiracy trial of the Proud Boys has just resulted in guilty verdicts.

Ratings

Polling data by CNN and others indicates the size and nature of Trump’s support. In January 2023, 32% of those polled had a favourable opinion of Trump, compared with 63% who had an unfavourable view. The poll showed that 40% disapproved of his indictment, with 60% approving. Among white people, 40% ‘approved’ of Trump, but 55% ‘disapproved’; 63% of people of colour disapproved of him.

People in the 18-34-year age group approved of the indictment by the highest margin, while those aged over 45 years had the highest rate of disapproval. White people who did not go to college registered the highest level of opposition to the indictment. The poll also found that 31% thought the decision to indict Trump strengthens US democracy, with the same percentage stating the opposite view.

Trump has a strong hold over a minority of the population. This is not a traditional Republican Party base, but a new constellation that includes regular Republicans, plus MAGA (Make America Great Again) adherents. The MAGA people are nationalists, some of them white nationalists. They are newly made Republicans. The question is whether they will remain Republicans or spin-off into the militia and patriot worlds they came from.

During the presidential debates in 2016, Trump publicly told the Proud Boys to ‘stand back and stand by’. The Proud Boys told the media that they were ‘western chauvinists’, a disingenuous way of saying they were old-fashioned white supremacists. They counted themselves as part of the Trump coalition and, when he called for that 6 January uprising, they attended in force.

Now, however, they stay at home nursing their wounds. Many have explicitly rejected Trump and have moved in an anti-Semitic white nationalist direction. One after another, white-ists are walking back from Trump. He may get them back in the end, but for now the MAGA base is split between Trumpers and anti-Trumpers.

Leonard Zeskind is the founder of the Institute for Research and Education of Human Rights

Former US soldier jailed for 45 years by Huw Davies

First published in the Spring 2023 issue of Searchlight magazine

Melzer Planned a mass casualty attack on his own platoon

A former US soldier and member of a neo-nazi group has been jailed for 45 years for planning terrorist attacks. Ethan Phelan Melzer, also known as Etil Reggard, a 24-year old man from Kentucky, was sentenced in March for his part in a neo-nazi plot to murder US soldiers. His goal was to spark another war in the Middle East.

Melzer is a former US Army soldier and member of the supernatural, Satanic, neo-nazi group, the Order of Nine Angles (O9A), which incorporates elements of extremist groups such as white supremacists, neo-nazis and Jihadists. O9A has expressed admiration for both Adolf Hitler and Osama bin Laden.

O9A aims to dismantle existing societies and replace them with ‘new tribal societies’. They believe that society has been corrupted by Judeo-Christian beliefs and should be destroyed and substituted by a fascist system based on social Darwinism and Satanism, a ‘Satanic empire’.

In 2018, Melzer enlisted in the US Army and ‘infiltrated its ranks as part of an insight role to further his goals as an O9A adherent,’ according to US prosecutors.

As a member of the 173rd Airborne Brigade Combat Team, he was deployed to Italy in 2019 where he became further radicalised. While there, he subscribed to encrypted online forums, downloaded videos of jihadist attacks on the US military and consumed neo-nazi, far-right and other white supremacist propaganda.

On learning that he would be reassigned to a unit scheduled for deployment that would be guarding a military base in Turkey and after attending briefings about the transfer, Melzer began passing on classified and sensitive information to O9A members on a Telegram channel known as ‘RapeWaffen Division’.

Melzer’s goal was to try to provoke the USA into another foreign war, arguing that ‘another 10-year war in the Middle East would definitely leave a mark’. He set about preparing plans for a mass casualty attack on his platoon.

He shared with fellow members of the O9A the location of the military base, the number of soldiers who would be guarding it and how they would be armed.

In May 2020, a confidential FBI source, who was a member of a O9A chat group on Telegram, alerted the authorities to his actions, following which he was taken into custody.

Melzer eventually pleaded guilty to charges of ‘attempting to murder US service members, attempting to provide and providing material support to terrorists, and illegally transmitting national defense information, believing that it could be used to harm the United States’.

 

What is the Order of Nine Angles?

By Sam Ferris

Dave Myatt, confronted by a BBC reporter

THE ORDER of the Nine Angles (O9A), with which Melzer was connected and conspired, is a secretive nazi-occult group with roots in the UK.

According to its own mythology, the group traces its lineage back to ancient Mesopotamia, where it claims to have originated as a pagan cult. In fact, it was founded in the early 1970s by veteran British nazi-satanist Dave Myatt (pictured above, when confronted by a BBC reporter).

Myatt began a long political odyssey in the late 1960s when he joined Colin Jordan’s National Socialist Movement (NSM). From there he moved to the British Movement. Despite a purported ‘search for truth’ that has taken him to Christianity, Buddhism, radical Islam and Satanism, the national socialist component of his philosophy has never waned.

Myatt’s early writings, heavily influenced by the works of Aleister Crowley and Friedrich Nietzsche, advocated a radical and sinister form of individualism. His philosophy centres around the idea that individuals should seek to overcome their limitations and embrace their inner darkness to achieve a higher state of being. This philosophy would later form the basis of O9A teachings.

The O9A is often described as a ‘left-hand path’ organisation, which means it embraces taboo and antinomian practices often seen as morally repugnant by mainstream society. The group has written approvingly of human sacrifice, paedophilia, and terrorism.

Possibly Myatt’s most notorious claim to fame was to have been one of the main influences on the London nazi nail bomber, David Copeland, who murdered three people and injured dozens in his 1999 bomb attacks on Brixton, Brick Lane and the Admiral Duncan pub in Soho. Only three months before the first bomb, Copeland had joined the NSM, founded by Myatt, Tony Williams and former Combat 18 leader, Steve Sargent.

In Copeland’s flat were found tracts by Myatt calling for race war: ‘This means creating tension and terror within ethnic communities and damaging their homes by firebombs and explosive devices. Part of this involves attacking individuals (and killing some of them).’ And it was NSM literature that provided Copeland with the web address to find his bomb-making instructions.

Searchlight wishes photographer birthday greetings

David Hoffman splattered by paint on the March for the Alternative, London 26 March 2011.

 

David Hoffman is celebrating another year and here at Searchlight we salute him for his doggedness for over 50 years as a photographer on the frontline of social justice reporting. David Hoffman has documented so many key events over the years and we are honoured that he has worked with us during his long and illustrious career. We were delighted when he won the No2H8 Crime Lifetime Achievement Award in 2017 for his years of dedication to documenting the fight against racial and social injustice and for his role in bringing racist perpetrators to justice. More power to you and your camera, Dr Hoffman.

 

 www.hoffmanphotos.com

Twitter https://twitter.com/DavidHoffmanuk

Instagram https://www.instagram.com/DavidHoffmanuk/

‘We must not waste our lives in dull inaction’ – 100th anniversary of Pankhurst’s address to anti-fascist meeting

Alfio Bernabei reports on the commemoration of an event addressed 100 years ago by suffrage campaigner and socialist Sylvia Pankhurst, who was one of the first to warn the world outside Italy of the dangers of fascism – a warning that still holds today

First published in the Spring 2023 issue of Searchlight magazine

Dondi’s Club as it was 100 years ago

The re-enactment of historical events nearly always prompts feelings of participation and reflection. Those taking part are usually prepared to set their mind on a path between past and present, with a sense of wanting to embrace the significance of the recollection and give it continuity in time.

This was certainly the case for the event that took place in March this year in a quaint three-storey building in Clerkenwell, a part of London once known as Little Italy. The venue was packed and the audience was enraptured as the story unfolded. There was something in the air – as if the walls had ears, or retained echoes of voices which gave warnings that went unheeded, a failure for which humanity paid a heavy price.

The event was staged to mark the 100th anniversary of the meeting against fascism in Italy that took place at Dondi’s club on 25 March 1923. It was the first anti-fascist gathering in the UK that carried the word ‘protest’ written in capital letters in the notice that appeared in the Workers’ Dreadnought, the weekly edited by staunch suffrage and political activist Sylvia Pankhurst.

It stated: ‘A PROTEST MEETING AGAINST the Fascist Reaction in Italy and the Camorra de Lospedali in London. Speakers: E. Sylvia Pankhurst, Pietro Gualducci.’

Dondi’s stood at number 24/25A Eyre Street Hill in the heart of Clerkenwell’s Little Italy and was described as a bowling club run by a family of Italians. Most of that part of the district has vanished, but this building remains miraculously intact. Today, it has the name of Gunmakers, a pub that retains a rear section where customers would once play the game of bowls. This must have made the Italian descendants from families who had gravitated to that area since the 1850s feel at home.

Political refugees

What had brought Pankhurst to this meeting with the Italian community of Clerkenwell? The answer is that she had kept track of the development of fascism in Italy from the start and was the first well-known public figure in Britain to denounce Mussolini’s Fascist Party as a criminal organisation.

This had happened through the contacts she had established with a number of Italian political refugees in London – mostly communists and anarchists, whose presence she had probably detected at an early stage as they had been extremely vocal in opposing the First World War.

Pankhurst would have heard of Errico Malatesta, for instance. He was making news to the extent that, when he was arrested and threatened with deportation, the British trade unions arranged for a large demonstration in his support that culminated in Trafalgar Square.

Another political exile, Silvio Corio, was a close friend of his. Corio was a talented typographer and a journalist who gained a lot of attention for his investigative journalism. Pankhurst would certainly have read his articles, which suggested that Fleet Street newspaper proprietors had made fortunes through their support of the slave trade, and denounced atrocities committed by Italian soldiers during the invasion of Libya, which were published in the independent socialist daily the Daily Herald.

It was Corio and his friends who had alerted Pankhurst to the birth of fascism in March 1919. Corio had grown up in Turin, one of Northern Italy’s major industrial towns, where labour unrest had erupted soon after and metal workers, in particular, held protests and set up workers’ councils, in what seemed like the prelude to a revolution. Armed Blackshirts were already at work attacking trade unions and left-wing newspaper offices.

In October, Pankhurst and Corio travelled to the city to take stock of the situation. She met Marxist philosopher and writer Antonio Gramsci and, although they did not see eye to eye on the best way to bring about a revolution, the visit clearly had a strong impact on Sylvia. She then travelled to Bologna, where she attended the congress of the socialist party and witnessed violent clashes involving Mussolini’s supporters. She was quick to detect an indication of worse to come. Leaving Corio behind, who was being pursued by the police and feared being arrested at the border, she left the country, apparently crossing the Alps on foot.

Menace

Corio finally joined her in London and, through the Workers’ Dreadnought, they were the first to ring the warning bell about the fascists, describing them as a bunch of terrorists who presented a menace not only to Italy but to the rest of Europe.

Both Pankhurst and Corio took notice of the creation in London of a branch of the Italian Fascist Party at the end of 1921. It held its first congress on 15 January 1922 at the International Sporting Club at 25 Noel Street in Soho, and they reported on the first march of Italian fascists to Westminster Abbey in the autumn of the same year.

One of the first public meetings attended by Pankhurst in London, organised specifically to denounce ‘the fascisti dictatorship’, took place on 13 January 1923 at the same address where the fascist event had taken place. She spoke alongside political refugees, such as anarchist Vittorio Taborelli, recently arrived from Italy after the fascists had threatened his family, and Pietro Gualducci, an anarcho-syndicalist who had been threatened with deportation and who was the subject of a bulky file held by Scotland Yard.

After this came the ‘protest meeting’ at Dondi’s on 25 March, just one month after the ‘Black Shirt Gala Ball’, a dance event organised by the London Branch of the Italian fascist party held at the Cecil Hotel in the Strand on 25 February 1923 ‘in aid of the fund for the fascista home in London’. The ball was organised ‘under the Patronage of the Italian Ambassador to the Court of St James, Marquis Della Torretta of the Princes of Lampedusa’, with the Italian Military and Naval attachés in attendance. It was probably intended as a celebration of Mussolini’s March on Rome that had taken place five months earlier.

In Italy, opponents of fascism were being attacked, tortured and killed, while in London the fascists were dancing.

Mobilised

There was more than enough to enrage the group of Italian anti-fascists based in Clerkenwell and Soho, which included Corio, Gualducci, Emidio Recchioni, Francesco Galasso, Decio Anzani among others. They had started to mobilise against the fascists in July 1922 with the launch of their own weekly, Il Comento, which branded Mussolini as a bandit and leader of an association of delinquents.

Through her friendship with Corio and Gualducci who were both contributors to Workers’ Dreadnought, Pankhurst was ready to join them publicly to add her revulsion at what was happening not only in Italy but also in London. The fascists were planning to organise the Italian community in the UK, which at the time numbered about 20,000, into what was described as a ‘state in miniature’.

This meant the annexation of all existing Italian organisations in the UK: schools, social and cultural centres and trade unions. Even the Italian hospital (misspelt as ‘Lospedali’ in the notice advertising the meeting) was to be put under the control of the fascist party. In editorials published by L’Eco d’Italia, the Italian fascist weekly in London, the warning to the Italians in the UK was spelt out in capital letters: ‘OBEY.’

It is easy to imagine the sense of urgency behind the decision to hold the protest meeting at Dondi’s to denounce the violent methods that were being used to subjugate the community, drawing comparisons with those used by a Mafia organisation, the ‘camorra’.

At a distance of 100 years the re-enactment of that meeting in the same building, virtually unchanged, was organised by the Pankhurst Memorial Committee, which continues its 25 year-old campaign to have a statue of Sylvia Pankhurst erected in Clerkenwell Green, opposite the Marx Memorial Library and a short distance from the old Little Italy.

This is the perfect choice of place: it illustrates the link between Pankhurst and the Italian community. It also gives due consideration to the tireless efforts of Pankhurst and her friends in the campaign against fascism – from the setting up of the Giacomo Matteotti Committee in memory of the socialist MP assassinated by the fascists to the launch of the weekly New Times and Ethiopia News to condemn the invasion of Ethiopia. Pankhurst’s was a lifelong commitment to anti-fascism that she pursued creatively and with tenacity, never yielding to threats or intimidation.

 

Emma Beattie as Sylvia Pankhurst, 2023

Actor Emma Beattie narrated a speech based on Pankhurst’s articles from the Workers’ Dreadnought, ending with the exhortation to remain vigilant. It was left to the audience’s imagination to navigate the distance between past and present and take stock of the warning bells that had gone unheeded 100 years ago.

The deeds of pioneers are calling to us to do something,’ wrote Pankhurst as early as 1919, ‘to do, not waste our lives in dull inaction. How urgent it is, how terribly urgent’.

The maquette for the statue of Sylvia Pankhurst planned to be
installed in Clerkenwell Green

A ‘people’s statue’ for Sylvia

The campaign to erect a statue to commemorate Sylvia Pankhurst began 25 years ago when four women trade unionists – and members of the National Assembly of Women – questioned why there was no statue of this outstanding suffragette to honour her commitment to peace, and her fight against racism, fascism and imperialism.

Thus was born the Sylvia Pankhurst Memorial Committee, bringing trade unions and individual supporters together. College Green outside Parliament was the original site chosen but, although planning permission was granted by Westminster Council, it was rejected by a House of Lords committee.

Now the Committee – Philippa Clark, Mary Davis, Megan Dobney and Barbara Switzer – hopes to see ‘a people’s statue’ unveiled before long in Clerkenwell Green with the support of Islington Council.

As progress is made, the Committee is finalising the funding needed to erect the statue, which has already been cast, and will welcome donations.

To contribute, visit https://sylviapankhurst.gn.apc.org/donate and see @sylviastatue

One Week in Warsaw – David Rosenberg reports from Warsaw where a poignant anniversary was being commemorated

First published in the Spring 2023 issue of Searchlight magazine

16th April 2023 commemorative march led by women activists 

photo by David Rosenberg

Warsaw, Sunday 16 April. Three days before the Polish Government is due to host the official 80th anniversary commemoration of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising, when their chosen guests will assemble in front of a stark, powerful monument, designed by Nathan Rappaport, a Warsaw-born Jew who survived the war in the Soviet Union. The monument depicts the heroism of the ghetto fighters in the midst of their incredible uprising against the Nazis that lasted nearly a month.

With few weapons, hundreds of starved combatants, the youngest just 13 years old, fought a courageous but doomed guerrilla war against the might of the German army who were determined to destroy the ghetto, building by building, and murder or deport its remaining inhabitants to death camps. Ironically, the materials used for the Uprising monument were procured from Scandinavia by the Nazi Albert Speer for a planned victory monument.

Ghetto Heroes Monument: photo by David Rosenberg

The current Polish Government of PiS (Law and Justice) is one of the most right-wing nationalist regimes in Europe. Its harsh attitudes to minorities, especially towards non-white, non-Christian refugees seeking sanctuary on Poland’s border with Belarus, its closeness to Victor Orban’s reactionary government in Hungary, its disdain for women’s rights and LGBT rights, its persecution of Jewish historians who reveal uncomfortable truths from Poland’s past, make PiS particularly unfit to claim ownership of the ghetto fighters’ struggle. For the resisters it was a fight for dignity and freedom in a world of humanity.

Small wonder then, that alternative events were created to give broader and truer meanings to the ghetto inhabitants’ struggles. Though Poland’s current government would deny it, the troubles for Jews in Poland began several years before the Nazis invasion. Jews and their allies were physically combating Poland’s homegrown Catholic-nationalist far-right through the 1930s, especially after the Przytyk pogrom in March 1936. In that decade Jews comprised 10% of the entire Polish population and 25% of its trade unionists. In Warsaw, one in three of its inhabitants were Jews.

An alternative event on 16 April this year literally revealed other dimensions to this history. It focused on the reverse side of Rappaport’s monument, a bas-relief, which, instead of resistance depicts Jewish victims, heads bowed, being corralled by Nazis towards the Umschlagplatz, the point of deportation to death camps. The victims were cynically told they were being relocated for work.

And yet, up to the moment when they were forcibly deported, the civilian population had found imaginative collective ways to survive the harshest and cruellest treatment by their occupiers, their tormentors, their oppressors. They engaged in quiet but crucial forms of daily resistance, undetected by the Nazis – supporting neighbours with problems, creating underground soup kitchens and welfare projects, maintaining underground schools, organising music, drama and poetry performances, and sharing news through underground newspapers.

On 16 April, after a march through Muranow, an important Jewish district before and during the ghetto times, the bas-relief was symbolically unveiled. A group of women led the march, holding a floral wreath – a 6-pointed Jewish Star with ribbons celebrating the “everyday heroism” of survival in the ghetto printed in Yiddish and Polish. Many participants carried colourful flags with Jewish symbols.

As we reached the monument’s reverse side, the Krakow Revolutionary Choir greeted us with Yiddish songs of the Bund – the Jewish workers movement that played such a key role in tackling far-right antisemitic forces in 1930s Poland. The Bund later formed a crucial component of the Jewish Combat organisation, created in October 1942, together with communist and Zionist groups. A young Bundist, Marek Edelman, Second in Command of the Uprising, chronicled it in The Ghetto Fights, a remarkable book published in Polish in 1945, and translated into Yiddish and English in 1946.

The keynote speaker on 16 April was Zuzanna Hertzberg, a Warsaw-born Jewish artist, active today in women’s rights and anti-fascist campaigning. Her grandfather fought in the Botwin company, Dabrowski Batallion, in the Spanish Civil War – a unit comprised largely of Polish Jews, named after a Jewish communist executed in 1926 for murdering an agent of the Polish secret police.

Through the anniversary week, Hertzberg delivered a series of spoken word performances in English and Polish, in Warsaw’s Palace of Culture. One focused on Jewish women resisters during the Holocaust; the other highlighted Jewish women’s participation in the Spanish Civil War. Our delegation of seven Jewish socialists from London watched both. Using photos and clippings from her archive research interspersed with her own artistic responses on canvas, Hertzberg conveyed moving and hitherto obscured stories of real women’s lives.

The actual anniversary of the day in 1943 when resistance fighters fired their first shots and threw their first Molotov cocktails at the Nazis who had come to liquidate the ghetto was 19 April.

The official commemoration gathered in front of the Rappaport monument behind a temporary security wall. With three presidents in attendance, snipers were poised on nearby rooftops. At midday, a siren sounded. Hundreds of us, who had no wish to be associated with the hypocritical official ceremony, gathered for a “grassroots commemoration” some 200 yards away at a very poignant memorial for a Polish Jewish socialist and anti-fascist, Szmul Zygielbojm who committed suicide in London on hearing that the ghetto revolt had been crushed.

A sculpture symbolising a shattered world stands before a darkened window etched with human shapes, smoke rising around them, and a quote from Zygielbojm in Yiddish and Polish: “I cannot be silent and I cannot live while the remaining Jews in Poland are being exterminated.” This disturbing memorial was not an initiative of the Polish State but funded through personal donations, internationally, encouraged by Marek Edelman.

After an open act of anti-Nazi defiance, Zygielbojm was hidden, then smuggled out of Warsaw in January 1940 with a crucial mission to lobby and mobilise Western powers to undertake extraordinary actions to assist and offer sanctuary to Poland’s Jews. After a perilous journey across Nazi Germany, he reached Belgium and gave a shocking first-hand report of the brutality the Nazis were inflicting on Jews in occupied Poland. He sent on to politicians, diplomats and the press the updates he received through underground resistance networks describing the escalating crimes against the Jews, including mass murder by poison gas.

From late March 1942 to May 1943 he represented the Bund on the National Council of the Polish Government in Exile in London. On 11 May, after hearing that the uprising had been crushed, he committed suicide at his flat, leaving a set of letters making clear that this was an act of protest against the Allied powers who had not done enough to save Jewish lives.

By the Zygielbojm monument a choir from a humanist school in Warsaw which promotes multiculturalism and internationalism, sang Yiddish Bundist songs. Extracts were read in Polish from Marek Edelman’s memoirs. I was asked by Paula Sawicka, from the Open Republic Association against Antisemitism and Xenophobia (Otwarta Rzeczpospolita), to read English translations of these. Sawicka says it was Edelman who originally inspired these grassroots commemorations, by coming privately to the memorial route, “accompanied by a growing group of friends who understood the need for remembrance, less official and more personal… a spontaneous gesture that had no organizer and still does not. Everything is done by volunteers. People need a signal and Open Republic gives it.”

We marched from Zygielbojm’s shattered world, to the memorials at Miła 18, where, in the final days of the uprising, most of the surviving resisters were trapped in a bunker completely surrounded by Nazis. Most killed themselves rather than let the Nazis murder them. A 40-strong segment of the fighters, Edelman among them, chose the only alternative – to attempt an escape from the ghetto via the sewers. The majority succeeded. More speeches were made at Miła 18 and the young choir sang the Yiddish Hymn of the Partisans, Zog Nisht Keyn Mol (Never say you are going down the last road).

 

Our final destination was the Umschlagplatz memorial, where scores of first names of the victims are etched, representing the hundreds of thousands deported to death from here. I read more translated extracts from Edelman, specifically about the Umschlagplatz, and others read short tributes to individual children who had been deported from there.

Projection of the Great Synagogue – photo by David Rosenberg

On the evening of !9 April, a dramatic multimedia projection made by the Polish-born artist/film-maker Gabi von Seltmann (whose grandfather perished in Auschwitz) had its third showing. It was first shown on the Ghetto Uprising’s 75th anniversary in 2018.

On 16 May 1943, the Nazis destroyed the Great Synagogue of Warsaw that stood on Tlomackie Street, and SS commander Jürgen Stroop reported to Hitler that Warsaw was now “judenfrei” – Jew-free. Warsaw’s cathedral was rebuilt after the war, the Great Synagogue was not. More recently the Blue Skyscraper was constructed on the site.

All lights in the building were turned off before 9pm. For two hours the 6-minute projection played on a loop. Archived recordings of the pre-war synagogue cantor could be heard as a life-size image of the synagogue appeared on the building, as if rising from the ruins. Above the synagogue projection, was one Yiddish word: “libe” – “love”. The show ended with a recording by Irena Klepfisz of her haunting poem “Bashert” (Fate) in English. Today Klepfisz lives in New York. She was born in the Warsaw Ghetto in 1941. Her father, Michal, was killed on the second day of the Ghetto Uprising, aged 30.

The final event during our week-long visit was a guided walk led by Paula Sawicka of Open Republic, through the rebuilt ghetto area, revealing traces of Marek Edelman and Michal Klepfisz at locations significant to them. Sawicka discovered these places at firsthand from Edelman. She wants to help “restore the memory of the destroyed Jewish world to the city’s consciousness” and spread awareness that “when we walk along the wide, bright and green streets,” once within the ghetto, “we are walking on graves”.

On the walk, we stopped by a school building with a mural of Edelman on its side wall, with a quote as much for our own times as his: “Nienawiść jest latwa. Miłość wymaga wysiłku i poświęcenia”. Hate is easy. Love requires effort and sacrifice.

We were so privileged to spend the week with inspirational anti-racist and anti-fascist counterparts in Warsaw committed to the fight against hate and discrimination in 2023.